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The Amazing Democrats – Editor’s comment: God Bless America – Everyone got it wrong and to a point, so did we. Leave a comment
Let the war begin Donald Duck Trump. Leave a comment
If you think you are a winner now? Wait until the Amazing Democrats bring you and your campaign to it’s knees.
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Donald Duck’s Foreign Policy Answer to the World’s Problems: “Send in the Clowns led by Me”. Leave a comment
You have ask what is that Pyscho Donald Duck Trump babbling about now? Not his billions! Leave a comment
This is disgusting. Leave a comment
Democrats and Hillary Time to Listen. Leave a comment
Don’t Mind Kelly’s Blood – Donald Duck Trump Ain’t Got Any in Between Those Ears of His. Leave a comment
by Robert Costa and Philip Rucker
Donald Trump was ensconced inside his Manhattan skyscraper early last week, preparing for his first presidential debate. The celebrity billionaire wanted to turn the summer fling that had catapulted him to the front of the Republican pack into a candidacy capable of winning the White House — and his longtime adviser Roger Stone had a plan.
Don’t get dragged down by petty attacks, Stone counseled Trump, but begin offering an agenda focused on the economy and hammer home what makes you a singular candidate. In a 13-page memo to Trump, Stone urged him to state that “the system is rigged against the citizens” and that he is the lone candidate “who cannot be bought.”
“A builder, an entrepreneur and a capitalist versus a bunch of politicians who are clearly part of the problem” is how Stone framed the contest in the document, obtained by The Washington Post from a Republican working with the campaign. The memo suggested a sound bite: “I’m running because when I look at this field — all perfectly nice people — I know that none of them could ever run one of my companies. They are not entrepreneurs.”
But Trump did not heed the advice. Instead, after briefly flipping through the papers, he decided to wing it — just as he had vowed to do. In a debate watched by a cable-news-record 24 million Americans, Trump followed his gut, and the theatre that followed was defined more by outbursts than by substance — most memorably when he sparred with moderator Megyn Kelly over his past incendiary comments about women.
“I don’t follow any memo, actually, because no memo can prepare you for what goes on in these campaigns or at these debates,” Trump said Sunday in an interview with The Post. “I’ve got to be me. That’s why I am where I am, leading the polls. It’s not because of memos. The whole thing — the debate, asking me to raise my hand about running as an independent, everything — it was wild.”
Trump’s improvisations have created the defining friction in his unorthodox universe: He has struggled to expand his campaign from one appealing to an angry fraction of the electorate into a lasting, durable enterprise that can secure the presidency.
The result is a staff shake-up at the highest levels. The turbulent week ended with Stone, a political confidant to Trump since the 1980s, departing under uncertain terms.
Trump said he “fired” Stone because he was seeking too much publicity; Stone said in a resignation letter to Trump that he was quitting out of frustration with what he saw as Trump’s scant platform and the “current direction of the candidacy.”
On Sunday, Trump was at the center of another swirling storm. GOP leaders voiced outrage at his jeers about Kelly.
In rollicking television interviews, Trump defended himself and the long-term viability of his bid.
Ed Rollins, a veteran GOP consultant who is close to some of Trump’s advisers, said: “A campaign is not a reality TV show. It’s a very tough exercise. You don’t have the privilege of just saying, ‘I’m a billionaire, I’m going to build a wall and screw you.’ Can you take his campaign right now and fix it and make it about substance? Could he be a credible candidate? Possibly.”
A new phase
Trump is entering a new and likely more difficult phase in which questions about his temperament and scrutiny of his past and current positions will mount. The pulse of the campaign has been and remains Trump’s personality — both mercurial and unpredictable — with decisions at times based on the candidate’s interests or grievances at the moment.
Trump wants to turn the page, vowing in the interview to further professionalize his operation and roll out policy details that will lend weight to his soaring rhetoric.
“We’re getting the best” operatives, Trump said. “I’m going to come out with more positions. Look, I already have done that on many issues,” he added, citing immigration, jobs, and trade negotiations with China and Japan.
Republican policy minds have been offering assistance. Economist Stephen Moore of the Heritage Foundation said he reached out a few weeks ago by e-mail to Corey Lewandowski, Trump’s campaign manager, to pass along his ideas on taxes.
“The problem for Trump is that he’s full of all of these contradictions,” Moore said. “He’s kind of a tabula rasa on policy. I wrote to Corey that if you do tax reform right, you can tax imports that come in from these countries Trump has been talking about.”
But Moore said he never got a response. “A lot of people haven’t been able to connect,” he said.
Lewandowski said Sunday: “Steve might have been using my old account. If I didn’t e-mail back, I meant no slight to Steve Moore.”
“We’re going to release policy statements on [Trump’s] time frame, not anyone else’s,” Lewandowski said. “Every speech with Mr. Trump is different. That’s part of why people are supporting him. He talks about policy in each one and has done so consistently.”
Economist Larry Kudlow, a former CNBC host and an acquaintance of Stone for decades, said that he heard in mid-June from Stone that Trump was resisting Stone’s input and holding off on releasing policy planks.
“He e-mailed me after I wrote a column wondering whether Trump would run as a supply-sider,” Kudlow recalled in an interview. “Roger wrote back that he’d been trying to get that message in with Trump but was being blocked.”
There was internal pressure as well on Trump to develop a more nuanced economic program. In mid-July, as Trump was surging in the polls thanks to his strident opposition to illegal immigration, he flew to New Hampshire for a rally. State Rep. Stephen Stepanek, Trump’s New Hampshire chairman, met with the candidate at the Laconia airport.
“My message was: ‘We need to focus on the economy, on jobs. Obviously, security is very important, immigration on the border is very important, but across the nation the number one issue is jobs and the economy,’ ” Stepanek said.
Trump was receptive, Stepanek recalled: “He said, ‘That’s why I’ve said I will be the greatest jobs president this country has ever seen.’ ”
Trump’s debate preparation, held at Trump Tower and managed by Lewandowski, was described by aides as informal but substantive. It consisted mostly of Trump reading printed-out news articles about policy developments in Washington, culled by spokeswoman Hope Hicks. Lewandowski and adviser Chuck Laudner guided Trump on tactics and stagecraft, as well as policy reports.
Most other candidates arrived in Cleveland the day before the debate, to get acclimated to the setting and to huddle with advisers and donors. But Trump touched down late Thursday afternoon. The entourage rode straight to the Quicken Loans Arena, the site of the debate, where they got ready in a sparse green room.
“Once Mr. Trump went on, we were comparing notes,” Laudner said. “I kept tabs on time, number of questions. After it was over, I threw my notebook out. My notes were irrelevant. It wasn’t a debate. It was a weird quiz show.”
Trump said the tenor and subject of questions from Kelly and the two other Fox moderators, Bret Baier and Chris Wallace, caught him off guard.
“When the questions came like they did, I held my breath and said to myself: ‘Let’s go. If this is how it’s going to be, okay, fine — let’s go, let’s do it,’ ” he said. “It wasn’t like I had two or three softballs that’d give me much of a chance to talk about how to grow jobs or stop illegal immigrants from coming over our border with Mexico. It was boom, boom, boom, in terms of their questions, right from the start. You deal with it.”
As he walked off the stage, Trump was upset with the questioning, and his decision to wage war with Fox was his own, Lewandowski said.
“He knows how he wants to lead,” he said. “He is unafraid.”
Simmering tensions
For weeks inside Trump’s campaign, tensions have simmered between Lewandowski — a youthful and hard-charging strategist hired earlier this year after directing state political projects for Americans for Prosperity, a group backed by industrialists Charles and David Koch — and Stone and other Trump loyalists.
After Lewandowski successfully navigated Trump’s labyrinth of employees, business partners, political whisperers and family members to consolidate power, Trump granted him full authority. Along with Hicks, Lewandowski is regularly at Trump’s side aboard his “Trump”-emblazoned Boeing 757 and advises him before media interviews.
Working for Trump is an intense experience, based on The Post’s observations of the staff at work with the candidate. Trump constantly monitors Twitter, cable news channels, Web sites, newspapers and magazines. He keeps freshly updated binders of articles about his campaign in his office and on his plane. The latest barb or headline is his political oxygen.
During stressful episodes, the campaign endures Trump’s mood swings and acts on his impulses. The candidate is also a social animal who treats those around him like family. He warmly shares meals with aides and asks them about their dating lives or children.
Shortly before Trump launched his campaign, Lewandowski met with Rollins for drinks at the 21 Club in New York, where Rollins offered advice about working for a billionaire candidate. In 1992, Rollins managed businessman Ross Perot’s independent presidential campaign.
“I’ve been around billionaires, and when it’s their money, they don’t want to listen,” Rollins said. “Perot said to me, ‘I’ll give you $150 million and you spend whatever it takes,’ but he took out his little checkbook and fought over everything we spent. I suspect Trump is the same way.”
Lewandowski, known for his clipped New England accent and no-nonsense attitude — he requires staffers to arrive for work at 7 a.m. and stay until at least 8 p.m. — is on a mission this week to bolster the campaign’s infrastructure. He is traveling to Nevada and Michigan to interview potential hires and has deployed supporters in Virginia to work on ballot access issues. Alan Cobb, a former adviser to Koch Industries, is helping Lewandowski build out the team.
Trump has also hired Michael Glassner, a former aide on Robert J. Dole’s 1988 and 1996 presidential campaigns and adviser to former Alaska governor Sarah Palin, as political director and is considering making additional national hires in coming weeks. Former Federal Election Commission chairman Donald McGahn, a partner at Jones Day, is assisting the campaign with its legal responsibilities.
But not all of Trump’s staffers are so experienced. In Iowa, which hosts the nation’s first caucuses and where Laudner is guiding Trump’s efforts, Tana Goertz is a campaign co-chair.
“I was a finalist on ‘The Apprentice,’ as you probably know,” she said in an interview. “Politics isn’t my expertise. There would be no way I would talk to [Trump] about how to run a presidential campaign, because this is my first time at this.”
Goertz said her job is to explain Iowa’s Midwestern culture to Trump. Although, she acknowledged, “I’m not a native Iowan. I’m a transplant here from the East Coast as well [as Trump]. We’re East Coasters with a certain way of doing things.”
Part of the culture in Trump’s New York orbit is to fight and forgive. Stone, in an interview Sunday, said he might one day return to Trump Tower.
“It depends,” he said. “We’ll see.”
The question the media should be asking Trump: Did he or did he not rape his former wife? Leave a comment
Ivana Trump once accused the real-estate tycoon of ‘rape,’ although she later clarified: not in the ‘criminal sense.’
Donald Trump introduced his presidential campaign to the world with a slur against Mexican immigrants, accusing them of being “rapists” and bringing crime into the country.
“I mean somebody’s doing it!… Who’s doing the raping?” Donald Trump said, when asked to defend his characterization.
It was an unfortunate turn of phrase for Trump—in more ways than one. Not only does the current frontrunner for the Republican presidential nomination have a history of controversial remarks about sexual assault, but as it turns out, his ex-wife Ivana Trump once used “rape” to describe an incident between them in 1989. She later said she felt “violated” by the experience.
Michael Cohen, special counsel at The Trump Organization, defended his boss, saying, “You’re talking about the frontrunner for the GOP, presidential candidate, as well as a private individual who never raped anybody. And, of course, understand that by the very definition, you can’t rape your spouse.”
“It is true,” Cohen added. “You cannot rape your spouse. And there’s very clear case law.”
Ivana Trump’s assertion of “rape” came in a deposition—part of the early ’90s divorce case between the Trumps, and revealed in the 1993 book Lost Tycoon: The Many Lives of Donald J. Trump.
The book, by former Texas Monthly and Newsweek reporter Harry Hurt III, described a harrowing scene. After a painful scalp reduction surgery to remove a bald spot, Donald Trump confronted his then-wife, who had previously used the same plastic surgeon.
“Your fucking doctor has ruined me!” Trump cried.
What followed was a “violent assault,” according to Lost Tycoon. Donald held back Ivana’s arms and began to pull out fistfuls of hair from her scalp, as if to mirror the pain he felt from his own operation. He tore off her clothes and unzipped his pants.
“Then he jams his penis inside her for the first time in more than sixteen months. Ivana is terrified… It is a violent assault,” Hurt writes. “According to versions she repeats to some of her closest confidantes, ‘he raped me.’”
Following the incident, Ivana ran upstairs, hid behind a locked door, and remained there “crying for the rest of night.” When she returned to the master bedroom in the morning, he was there.
“You’re talking about the front-runner for the GOP, presidential candidate, as well as a private individual who never raped anybody. And, of course, understand that by the very definition, you can’t rape your spouse.”
“As she looks in horror at the ripped-out hair scattered all over the bed, he glares at her and asks with menacing casualness: ‘Does it hurt?’” Hurt writes.
Donald Trump has previously denied the allegation. In the book, he denies having had the scalp reduction surgery.
“It’s obviously false,” Donald Trump said of the accusation in 1993, according to Newsday. “It’s incorrect and done by a guy without much talent… He is a guy that is an unattractive guy who is a vindictive and jealous person.”
Cohen acknowledged Monday that he has not read the entire deposition but said he had read the two relevant pages of it, including the rape accusation.
“It’s not the word that you’re trying to make it into,” Cohen told The Daily Beast, saying Ivana Trump was talking about how “she felt raped emotionally… She was not referring to it [as] a criminal matter, and not in its literal sense, though there’s many literal senses to the word.”
Cohen added that there is no such thing, legally, as a man raping his wife. “You cannot rape your spouse,” he said. “There’s very clear case law.”
That is not true. In New York, there used to be a so-called marital rape exemption to the law. It was struck down in 1984.
Trump’s lawyer then changed tactics, lobbing insults and threatening a lawsuit if a story was published.
“I will make sure that you and I meet one day while we’re in the courthouse. And I will take you for every penny you still don’t have. And I will come after your Daily Beast and everybody else that you possibly know,” Cohen said. “So I’m warning you, tread very fucking lightly, because what I’m going to do to you is going to be fucking disgusting. You understand me?”
“You write a story that has Mr. Trump’s name in it, with the word ‘rape,’ and I’m going to mess your life up… for as long as you’re on this frickin’ planet… you’re going to have judgments against you, so much money, you’ll never know how to get out from underneath it,” he added.
When Lost Tycoon was about to be printed, Donald Trump and his lawyers provided a statement from Ivana, which was posted on the first page of the book. In it, Ivana confirms that she had “felt violated” and that she had stated that her husband had raped her during a divorce deposition. But Ivana sought to soften her earlier statement.
“During a deposition given by me in connection with my matrimonial case, I stated that my husband had raped me,” the Ivana Trump statement said. “[O]n one occasion during 1989, Mr. Trump and I had marital relations in which he behaved very differently toward me than he had during our marriage. As a woman, I felt violated, as the love and tenderness, which he normally exhibited towards me, was absent. I referred to this as a ‘rape,’ but I do not want my words to be interpreted in a literal or criminal sense.”
The statement, according to a “Notice to the Reader” in the book, “does not contradict or invalidate any information contained in this book.”
Nevertheless, Cohen, Trump’s attorney, said that “there is nothing reasonable about you wanting to write a story about somebody’s usage of the word ‘rape,’ when she’s talking [about how] she didn’t feel emotionally satisfied.”
“Though there’s many literal senses to the word, if you distort it, and you put Mr. Trump’s name there onto it, rest assured, you will suffer the consequences. So you do whatever you want. You want to ruin your life at the age of 20? You do that, and I’ll be happy to serve it right up to you,” he added.
“I think you should go ahead and you should write the story that you plan on writing. I think you should do it. Because I think you’re an idiot. And I think your paper’s a joke, and it’s going to be my absolute pleasure to serve you with a $500 million lawsuit, like I told [you] I did it to Univision,” Cohen continued.
The 1990 divorce case between the two Trumps was granted on the grounds of Donald’s “cruel and inhuman treatment” of Ivana. The settlement, under which the Trumps agreed on the division of assets, was finalized in 1991. Her divorce involved a gag order that keeps her from talking about her marriage to Donald Trump without his permission.
Divorce records in New York state are not open to public inspection. But some of the legal documents surrounding the contract dispute over the Trumps’ prenuptial agreement are still available and were reviewed by The Daily Beast.
In one such document, Ivana Trump’s lawyers claim that in the three years preceding their divorce Donald Trump, “has increasingly verbally abused and demeaned [her] so as to obtain her submission to his wishes and desires” as well as “humiliated and verbally assaulted” her. The New York County Clerk’s records office couldn’t locate at least one box of documents relating to the contract dispute. (It’s not uncommon for court files to go missing.)
Ivana Trump did not respond to a request for comment.
Donald Trump has a history of grandstanding on rape. His controversial campaign-trail comments this year about Mexicans were hardly the first time he has waded into the hot-button issue of sexual assault.
Two years ago, Trump weighed in on the alarming rate of sexual assault and rape in the military—and in doing so, pinned the blame on the presence of women.
“26,000 unreported sexual [assaults] in the military—only 238 convictions. What did these geniuses expect when they put men & women together?” he tweeted in 2013. “The Generals and top military brass never wanted a mixer but were forced to do it by very dumb politicians who wanted to be politically [correct]!” he continued.
In 1989, the real estate mogul placed a full-page ad in four New York City newspapers calling for the execution of the five alleged rapists of Trisha Meili, the Central Park jogger who was put in a coma by her assailants. The defendants received different sentences and served between six and 13 years behind bars before new evidence of coerced confessions emerged that led to their convictions being vacated in 2002.
“Criminals must be told that their CIVIL LIBERTIES END WHEN AN ATTACK ON OUR SAFETY BEGINS!” Trump’s 1989 ad blared. “BRING BACK THE DEATH PENALTY. BRING BACK OUR POLICE!”
Trump’s other public statements on rape cases range from tone-deaf to offensive. In 1992, he floated the idea that convicted rapist and boxer Mike Tyson should be allowed to pay “millions and millions” of dollars to rape victims instead of serving jail time. Trump’s modest proposal did not go over well.
“How offensive,” shot back Dollyne Pettingill, spokeswoman for the mayor of Indianapolis, where Tyson committed the assault. “We have a judicial process for these matters and it’s not for sale.”
Whether Trump’s comments about rape—or the accusation of assault from his ex-wife—will hurt his burgeoning political career is an open question. So far, Trump has been able to shake off the sorts of scandals that would destroy any other campaign for president. Dissing Mexican immigrants and prisoner of war has not cost him his campaign, nor has his history of giving to Democratic campaigns. In the latest CNN poll, Trump leads all other candidates in the Republican presidential field, with 18 percent support.
—with additional reporting by Nina Strochlic and Asawin Suebsaeng.